Great Power Competition and Middle Power Diplomacy: A Comparative Analysis of Europe and Asia (2000–2025) | Blazingprojects Postgraduate Thesis
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Great Power Competition and Middle Power Diplomacy: A Comparative Analysis of Europe and Asia (2000–2025)

 

Table Of Contents


Chapter ONE

INTRODUCTION

  • 1.1Introduction
  • 1.2Background of the Study
  • 1.3Statement of the Problem
  • 1.4Aim and Objectives of the Study
  • 1.5Research Questions
  • 1.6Research Hypotheses
  • 1.7Significance of the Study
  • 1.8Scope and Delimitation of the Study
  • 1.9Limitations of the Study
  • 1.10Organisation of the Study
  • 1.11Operational Definition of Terms

Chapter TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

  • 2.1Conceptual Review: Defining Great Power and Middle Power Diplomacy in the European-Asian Arena
  • 2.2Conceptual Review: Indicators of Diplomatic Effectiveness for Middle Powers
  • 2.3Theoretical Framework: Neoclassical Realism in Great Power Competition and Diplomatic Autonomy for Middle Powers
  • 2.4Theoretical Framework: Liberal Institutionalism and Multilateral Engagement in Europe and Asia
  • 2.5Empirical Review: Great Power Competition Dynamics in Europe (2000–2025)
  • 2.6Empirical Review: Middle Power Diplomacy in Europe: Sweden, Norway, and Finland as Case Illustrations
  • 2.7Empirical Review: Middle Power Diplomacy in Asia: Singapore, Australia, and Canada’s Asian Policy Compared
  • 2.8Empirical Review: Diplomacy Tools and Instruments Used by Middle Powers
  • 2.9Gaps in the Literature: Limited Comparative Analyses Across Continents
  • 2.10Gaps in the Literature: Temporal Gaps During Key Geopolitical Shifts (2008–2014, 2020–2025)
  • 2.11Gaps in the Literature: Methodological Limitations in Cross-Regional Comparisons
  • 2.12Conceptual Model/Summary of the Review

Chapter THREE

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

  • 3.1Research Design: Comparative Cross-Regional Case Study of Europe and Asia
  • 3.2Philosophical Paradigm: Critical Realism and Constructivist Insights in Diplomatic Behavior
  • 3.3Population of the Study: Diplomatic Actors, Think Tanks, and Policy Documents in Europe and Asia
  • 3.4Sample Size and Sampling Technique: Purposive Sampling of Leaders, Ministers, and Policy Documents (n=40–60)
  • 3.5Sources and Instruments of Data Collection: Semi-Structured Interviews, Policy Document Analysis, and Think Tank Reports
  • 3.6Validity and Reliability of Instruments: Triangulation and Inter-Coder Reliability
  • 3.7Data Collection Procedures: Fieldwork Protocols and Archival Access
  • 3.8Data Analysis Techniques: Thematic Coding and Cross-Regional Comparative Analysis
  • 3.9Model Specification or Analytical Framework: Comparative Case Matrix and Indicator-Based Scoring
  • 3.10Ethical Considerations: Informed Consent, Anonymity, and Data Security

Chapter FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS

  • ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS
  • 4.1Data Presentation: Descriptive Profiles of European and Asian Middle Powers
  • 4.2Descriptive Analysis: Diplomatic Tools and Leverage Used by Sweden, Norway, Finland, Singapore, Australia, and Canada in Asia-Europe Affairs
  • 4.3Hypotheses Testing: Relationship Between Power Perception and Diplomatic Autonomy
  • 4.4Hypotheses Testing: Influence of Multilateral Engagement on Crisis Management Outcomes
  • 4.5Interpretation of Results: How Middle Powers Navigate Great Power Pressures in Europe and Asia
  • 4.6Discussion: Alignment and Tensions with Neoclassical Realism Assumptions
  • 4.7Discussion: Role of Domestic Politics in Shaping International Postures
  • 4.8Discussion: Implications for Middle-Power Strategy in a Multipolar Order

Chapter FIVE

SUMMARY, CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

  • CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS
  • 5.1Summary of Findings
  • 5.2Conclusion: Implications for Theory and Practice in Great Power Competition and Middle Power Diplomacy
  • 5.3Contribution to Knowledge: The Cross-Continental Comparative Insight
  • 5.4Recommendations: Policy and Diplomatic Practice for Middle Powers
  • 5.5Suggestions for Further Studies

Thesis Abstract

In an era of renewed great power rivalry, this study examines how middle powers in Europe and Asia navigate strategic competition between dominant states—primarily the United States, China, and Russia—through diplomacy, alignment, and hedging strategies. The central problem is to understand whether middle powers deploy convergent or divergent diplomatic behaviors across regions in response to the external pressures of great power competition, and how regional security architectures shape these responses. The aim is to illuminate the conditions under which middle powers leverage diplomacy to maximize strategic autonomy and influence, and to assess the differential effectiveness of such strategies in European versus Asian contexts. The specific objectives are (1) to map the external pressure profiles faced by selected middle powers in Europe (Sweden, Norway, and the Netherlands) and Asia (Singapore, Malaysia, and Vietnam) from 2000 to 2025; (2) to analyze the diplomatic tools—alliances, balancing, diversification of partnerships, and normative leadership—that middle powers employ to manage great power competition; (3) to evaluate the role of regional architectures (NATO, EU, ASEAN, and security pacts) in shaping middle-power strategies; (4) to test the applicability of existing theories of hedging, bandwagoning, and balance of power to cross-regional cases; and (5) to develop a comparative framework that explains differential outcomes in policy influence and resilience. The study employs a mixed-methods design integrating quantitative and qualitative strands. The population consists of official policy documents, strategic white papers, and parliamentary debates from the six case countries between 2000 and 2025. The sample comprises 180 policy documents (30 per country-year block) and 60 semi-structured elite interviews with national security advisors, foreign ministry officials, and think-tank analysts (10 interviews per region). Data collection instruments include a standardized document coding scheme for content analysis, a semi-structured interview protocol, and a structured survey instrument for triangulation. Validity and reliability are ensured through inter-coder reliability checks (Cohen’s kappa > 0.75), pilot testing of interview questions, and triangulation across official documents, secondary sources, and interview data. Analytical techniques combine process tracing and regression analysis. Thematic analysis will be applied to interview transcripts to identify patterns of hedging, alignment, and diversification, drawing on Braun and Clarke’s methodology. Quantitative analysis will utilize panel data regression to test the impact of regional security architecture variables (e.g., NATO engagement intensity, EU sanctions regimes, ASEAN institutional depth) on middle-power diplomatic outcomes, controlling for GDP, defense expenditure, and political regime type. Network analysis will map dyadic and plurilateral alignments to assess shifts in strategic partnerships over time. The theoretical framework integrates German School realism and liberal institutionalism, with explicit engagement of hedging theory (Lundestad) and balance theory, adapted to cross-regional contexts, and supplemented by constructivist insights on legitimacy and norm diffusion. Expected findings indicate that European middle powers favor hedging and EU-aligned diversification, leveraging NATO and EU frameworks to modulate access without provoking direct confrontations with great powers, while Asian middle powers emphasize agile alignment strategies, using ASEAN-centered forums and bilateral hedging to pursue autonomy amid a more fluid great power contestation. Regional security architecture is anticipated to differentially constrain or enable policy maneuvering in Europe, institutionalized frameworks provide stability and legitimacy to middle-power actions; in Asia, strategic ambiguity and rapid hedging correlate with higher variance in outcomes across states. The study contributes to knowledge by providing a replicable cross-regional framework for understanding middle-power diplomacy under great power competition, refining theories of hedging and balance with empirical evidence from two distinct security environments, and offering a calibrated assessment of policy tools that enhance middle-power resilience. Policy implications include recommendations for European states to institutionalize more robust strategic partnerships and for Asian middle powers to cultivate diversified security arrangements without undermining regional cohesion. The main conclusion posits that middle powers in both regions increase diplomatic influence when combining hedging with targeted alignment within regional architectures, but regional context governs the effectiveness and sustainability of these strategies. Recommendations emphasize strengthening interoperable alliance mechanisms, expanding multilateral fora to include middle-power voices, and investing in strategic foresight and coalition-building capacities to adapt to evolving great power dynamics.

Thesis Overview

This research investigates how large powers (the United States, China, Russia, the European Union as a bloc, and others) interact with mid-sized, or “middle power,” states in Europe and Asia, and how those middle powers navigate competing pressures to safeguard their own security, influence, and values. The study asks how Europe and Asia differ in propulsion toward diplomacy and coalition-building when great power competition intensifies, and what strategies middle powers deploy to maximize autonomy while maintaining regional stability. Why it matters: understanding middle power diplomacy helps explain regional balance of power, alliance choices, and policy responses to strategic rivalry. It addresses gaps in comparative work that often treats Europe and Asia in isolation or focuses on bilateral great power–middle power dyads, rather than systemic interactions across regions. What problem or gap it addresses: existing literature tends to overemphasize great powers at the expense of middle powers, and lacks a clear comparative framework that captures neighborhood effects, alliance dependencies, economic leverage, and normative diplomacy (values, climate, human rights) in both Europe and Asia from 2000 to 2025. What the researcher will do step by step: - Clarify concepts: define middle powers, great power competition, and diplomacy across regional contexts. - Build a theoretical framework drawing on balance of power theory and soft-power/normative statecraft theory. - Collect data from 2000–2025: official policy documents, security strategy statements, alliance/coalition records, and major regional security events; compile indicators on diplomatic activity, alliance shifts, economic tools, and normative diplomacy. - Sample: select a purposive set of European and Asian middle powers (for example, Sweden, Norway, Canada could be considered European partners, while South Korea, Australia, Singapore, India, and Canada in Asia) and relevant great powers. - Data collection instruments: content analysis coding schemes for documents, event data coding for summits and alliance changes, and interviews with policymakers (target 20–30 respondents). - Data analysis: thematic coding for qualitative trends; regression or event-study analyses to test relationships between great power pressures and middle-power responses; cross-regional comparison to identify distinct strategies. - Validate findings through triangulation and robustness checks. Expected contribution and outcome: the study will provide a cross-regional framework showing how middle powers calibrate alliance participation, economic levers, and normative agendas to maintain autonomy and regional stability amid great power competition. It will offer policy recommendations on coalition-building, diversified risk management, and targeted diplomacy, advising middle powers on balancing security, economic resilience, and values-based influence.

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